Habermas’ definition of a public sphere is the first and founding trigger to classification attempts of the formation of public opinions and the legitimisation of state and democracy in post-war Western societies.

The public sphere is seen as a domain of social life where public opinion can be formed. (Habermas, 1991, 398) It can be seen as the breeding ground, if you want. Habermas declares several aspects as vital for the public sphere. Mainly it is open to all citizens and constituted in every conversation in which individuals come together to form a public. The citizen plays the role of a private person who is not acting on behalf of a business or private interests but as one who is dealing with matters of general interest in order to form a public sphere. There is no intimidating force behind the public sphere but its citizens assemble and unite freely to express their opinions. The term of a political public sphere is introduced for public discussions about topics connected to the state and political practice. Although Habermas considers state power as ‘public power’ (ibid. 398) which is legitimized through the public in elections, the state and its forceful practices and powers are not part but are a counterpart of a public sphere where opinions are formed. Therefore public opinion has to control the state and its authority in everyday discussions, as well as through formal elections.

The economic independence provided by private property, the critical reflection fostered by letters and novels, the flowering of discussion in coffee houses and salon and above all, the emergence of an independent, market-based press, created (a new public engaged in critical political discussion.)

He argues that the public sphere came to be dominated by an expanded state and organized economic interests. The media ceased to be an agency of empowerment and rationality, it manipulated mass opinion. The public thinking they are passive consumers. People collectively determine through the processes of rational argument the way in which they want to see society develop.

Curran and Seaton – Profit-driven media is softened to create mass audience appeal. Minority interest content is pushed to the margins of broadcast schedules.

Livingstone and Lunt – Consumer-based regulation seeks to ensure that the media landscape contains a variety of different producers so that audiences have choice.